Short Answer
The Ohemaa (plural Ahemaa), often translated as ‘Queen Mother’, is a central female authority figure within the political systems of the Akan peoples of present-day Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire. Far from being a mere consort or ceremonial appendage, the Ohemaa is a co-sovereign who shares power with the male chief (Ohene) and holds independent jurisdiction over specific domains, including the selection of chiefs, the custody of ancestral stools, and the adjudication of disputes among women. Her authority is rooted in the matrilineal logic of Akan kinship, in which political legitimacy flows through the female line, making the Ohemaa the living embodiment of dynastic continuity and moral order.
Origins and Mythological Foundations
The institution of the Ohemaa is inseparable from Akan cosmology and the foundational narratives of the abusua (matrilineal clans). According to oral traditions preserved by court historians (akyeame), the first Akan states emerged from the union of a female ancestress and a sky-derived male figure, establishing the principle that land, fertility, and political legitimacy are transmitted through women. The earth goddess Asase Yaa is often invoked as the primordial Ohemaa—the mother who owns the land and grants the right to rule. In the Adanse and Asante traditions, the golden stool (Sika Dwa Kofi), the supreme symbol of Asante nationhood, is said to have descended from the heavens onto the lap of the first Asantehemaa, not the king, signifying that the female line is the vessel of sovereignty.
Archaeological and linguistic evidence suggests that matrilineal descent and dual-gender governance predate the rise of the great Akan forest kingdoms in the 15th–17th centuries. The Ohemaa’s role as ‘owner of the stool’ (odehyeɛ) reflects an ancient division of ritual labour: the male chief administers, but the female elder legitimates. This is not a symbolic fiction; it is a structural feature of Akan political theory, in which power is conceived as complementary rather than hierarchical.
Political Structure and Governance Systems
Within the Akan state (oman), the Ohemaa occupies a formal office parallel to that of the Omanhene (paramount chief). She is not subordinate to him; rather, they are okra and sunsum—soul and spirit—of the polity. The Ohemaa presides over her own court, holds her own stool, and exercises authority over the female half of the community. She is the head of the mmeranteɛ (young women’s associations) and the adikrofo (female elders), and she alone can convene the nkwankwaa (commoner assembly) to deliberate on matters affecting women and children.
Her most consequential political power is the right to nominate candidates for the vacant stool of the Ohene. When a chief dies or is destooled, the Ohemaa, in consultation with the abusua panyin (clan head) and the mpanyimfo (elders), presents a candidate to the kingmakers. Without her endorsement, no man can legitimately occupy the stool. Conversely, she can initiate destoolment proceedings against a chief who violates his oath or abuses his office. This power is not merely advisory; it is a constitutional check on male authority.
The Asantehemaa: A Case Study
In the Asante Kingdom, the Asantehemaa (Queen Mother of Asante) is the second-highest authority after the Asantehene. She is the mother, sister, or aunt of the reigning king, chosen from the royal Oyoko clan. The Asantehemaa holds her own palace at Manhyia, controls the Bantama stool house, and is the final arbiter in disputes over royal genealogy. During the 18th and 19th centuries, Asantehemaa such as Nana Afia Kobi Serwaa Ampem I and Nana Yaa Akyaa wielded immense influence, at times acting as regents and directing foreign policy.
Succession and Inheritance Mechanisms
Akan succession is strictly matrilineal. A person belongs to the abusua of their mother, and political office, land rights, and movable property pass through the female line. The Ohemaa is therefore not necessarily the biological mother of the chief; she is the senior woman of the royal lineage, often his maternal aunt, elder sister, or grandmother. This system ensures that the male chief and the female co-ruler are always from the same abusua, preventing the concentration of power in a single conjugal unit.
The selection of an Ohemaa follows a parallel process to that of the chief. When the stool becomes vacant, the abusua elders, led by the obaa panyin (senior woman), nominate a candidate who is of unblemished character, post-menopausal (to avoid conflicts of interest with pregnancy), and knowledgeable in customary law. The candidate is then presented to the Omanhene and the Omanhemaa of the paramountcy for confirmation. Once enstooled, she cannot be removed except for gross misconduct, such as revealing state secrets or committing adultery with a royal.
“The stool of the Ohemaa is not a gift from the chief; it is her birthright. She is the root of the family tree. If you cut the root, the tree dies.” — Nana Akosua Akyamaa, Queen Mother of Juaben, oral testimony recorded 1998.
Gender Dynamics, Matriarchy, and Complementary Rule
The Akan system is often mislabelled as ‘matriarchal’ in the sense of female dominance. More accurately, it is a dual-sex political system in which male and female offices are parallel, autonomous, and mutually dependent. The Ohemaa does not seek to replace the Ohene; she complements him. Her authority is not derived from him, nor is it a concession from patriarchy. It is an independent source of legitimacy grounded in the matrilineal principle.
This complementarity is visible in the division of ritual labour. The Ohene performs sacrifices to the abosom (lesser deities) and leads the state in war; the Ohemaa pours libations to the nananom nsamanfo (ancestral spirits) and ensures the fertility of the land. In judicial matters, the Ohene’s court handles cases involving men, land boundaries, and capital offences; the Ohemaa’s court adjudicates marriage disputes, inheritance claims, and offences against women. Neither court can overturn the other’s rulings without a joint session of the oman council.
Scholars such as Agnes Aidoo and Takyiwaa Manuh have argued that the colonial-era marginalisation of the Ohemaa was a deliberate strategy to impose European patriarchal norms. Precolonial Akan women held significant economic power as market traders (ohemma in the sense of ‘female ruler of the market’), and the Ohemaa was the ultimate guarantor of women’s property rights.
Regalia, Symbols, and Royal Insignia
The Ohemaa’s authority is materialised in her regalia, which are distinct from those of the Ohene. The most important item is her stool (dwa), which is blackened and consecrated to the ancestors. Unlike the chief’s stool, which is often decorated with gold leaf, the Ohemaa’s stool is typically carved from sese wood and adorned with adinkra symbols representing wisdom, motherhood, and continuity. She also possesses a kente cloth of a specific pattern reserved for her office, a sika men (gold necklace), and a kyinie (state umbrella) with her own emblem.
| Item | Akan Name | Significance |
|---|---|---|
| Stool | Dwa | Seat of ancestral power; the Ohemaa’s stool is the ‘womb’ of the state. |
| Gold necklace | Sika men | Symbol of purity and the life-giving force of the sun. |
| State umbrella | Kyinie | Marks her as a sovereign; only paramount rulers may use a multi-tiered umbrella. |
| Fly whisk | Bodua | Instrument of blessing and purification; used in libation and oath-taking. |
| Ceremonial sandals | Ahenema | Worn only on state occasions; the soles are carved with proverbs. |
The Ohemaa also wears a distinctive hairstyle called dansinkran, a high coiffure resembling a bird’s crest, which signifies her role as a mediator between the living and the ancestors. In many Akan states, she alone may wear the ntam (a cloth tied across the chest) in a particular manner that denotes her status as ‘mother of the nation’.
Ceremonies, Festivals, and Public Rituals
The Ohemaa is central to the annual cycle of Akan festivals, which renew the bond between the living, the ancestors, and the land. During the Odwira festival of the Asante and Akyem, the Ohemaa leads the procession of women to the river to fetch water for the purification of the blackened stools. She then presides over the adæ ceremony, in which the stools are fed with offerings of mashed yam and palm oil. Her presence is considered essential; without her, the ancestors will not accept the offerings.
At the Akwasidae festival, held every six weeks, the Ohemaa sits in state beside the Ohene to receive homage from the amanhene (sub-chiefs) and the commoners. She is the first to pour libation, invoking the names of the royal ancestresses. In the Aboakyer festival of the Effutu, the Ohemaa of Winneba blesses the hunting parties before they set out to capture the live deer, and she receives the first portion of the catch as a sign of her spiritual ownership of the land.
These ceremonies are not mere pageantry. They are constitutional acts that reaffirm the Ohemaa’s role as the okomfo (priestess) of the state. Her ritual purity is guarded by taboos: she may not see a corpse, may not cross a river at night, and may not engage in sexual relations during the festival period. Violation of these taboos is believed to bring drought, crop failure, or military defeat.
Oral Traditions, Songs, and Praise Poetry
The Ohemaa is celebrated in a rich corpus of oral literature, including kwadwom (state drums), adowa songs, and apae (praise poetry). Court poets (akyeame) recite her lineage and deeds at every public gathering, using metaphors of the earth, the moon, and the okono (eagle) to convey her majesty. One famous apae for the Asantehemaa runs:
“Ohemaa, you are the great tree that shelters the nation. / When the storm comes, the chief hides under your branches. / You are the mother of gold, the owner of the stool. / Without you, the state is an orphan.”
These oral texts are not static; they are continually recomposed to reflect current events. During the colonial period, praise singers used the Ohemaa’s image to rally resistance, as in the famous song of Yaa Asantewaa, the Queen Mother of Ejisu, who in 1900 led the Asante rebellion against British rule. Her words, recorded by colonial officials and later by Ghanaian historians, have become a canonical text of anti-colonial resistance: “If you, the men of Asante, will not go forward, then we will. We, the women, will. I shall call upon my fellow women. We will fight the white men. We will fight until the last of us falls in the battlefields.”
Encounters with Colonial Powers and Resistance
British colonial rule in the Gold Coast (1874–1957) systematically undermined the authority of the Ohemaa. The colonial administration, guided by Victorian gender ideology, refused to recognise female political office. In the Native Jurisdiction Ordinance of 1883 and subsequent legislation, only male chiefs were listed as ‘native authorities’. The Ohemaa was reduced to a ‘queen mother’ in the European sense—a ceremonial figure with no legal standing. Colonial courts refused to hear cases brought by Ohemaa, and their stools were often confiscated or destroyed during punitive expeditions.
Despite this, many Ohemaa resisted. Yaa Asantewaa of Ejisu is the most famous, but she was not alone. Nana Afia Kobi Serwaa Ampem I, Asantehemaa from 1884 to 1917, used her influence to protect the golden stool from British seizure. When the British Governor, Sir Frederick Hodgson, demanded to sit on the stool in 1900, it was the Asantehemaa who ordered the stool to be hidden and mobilised the abusua networks to support the rebellion. In the coastal Fante states, Ohemaa such as Nana Amba Eyiaba I of Efutu used their control of market networks to organise boycotts of British goods.
Colonial records, written by missionaries and administrators, often dismissed the Ohemaa as a ‘fetish priestess’ or ‘old woman of influence’. These sources must be read critically, as they reflect a deliberate erasure of female political power. Oral traditions and later ethnographic work by Akan scholars have restored the Ohemaa to her rightful place in the historical record.
Legacy and Modern Political Influence
Since Ghana’s independence in 1957, the institution of the Ohemaa has experienced a revival. The 1992 Constitution of Ghana recognises the chieftaincy institution, including queen mothers, as a customary authority, though it does not grant them formal legislative power. In practice, many Ohemaa have become influential figures in local governance, education, and women’s rights advocacy. The National Council of Women Traditional Leaders, founded in 2001, brings together Ohemaa from across Ghana to lobby for legal recognition and to address issues such as child marriage, domestic violence, and land rights.
Contemporary Ohemaa such as Nana Konadu Yiadom III, the current Asantehemaa (enstooled in 2017), continue to play a vital role in the cultural and political life of the Asante Kingdom. They preside over traditional courts, mediate disputes, and act as custodians of customary law. In the diaspora, Akan queen mothers have been re-established in communities in the Americas and the Caribbean, where they serve as cultural ambassadors and advocates for African traditional religion.
The Ohemaa’s legacy is not merely historical; it is a living institution that challenges Western assumptions about gender and power. As the Ghanaian scholar Mercy Amoah has written, “The Ohemaa is proof that African political systems were never simply patriarchal. They were, and remain, systems of balanced dual authority, in which the mother and the chief rule together, each incomplete without the other.”
Sources & Further Reading
- Aidoo, Agnes Akosua. “Asante Queen Mothers in Government and Politics in the Nineteenth Century.” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 9, no. 1 (1977): 1–13.
- Arhin, Kwame. “The Political and Military Roles of Akan Women.” In Female and Male in West Africa, edited by Christine Oppong, 91–98. London: Allen & Unwin, 1983.
- Manuh, Takyiwaa. “Women, the State and Society under Colonialism: The Case of the Gold Coast.” Research Review 7, no. 1–2 (1991): 1–15.
- McCaskie, T. C. State and Society in Pre-colonial Asante. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.
- Oral History Collection, Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, Legon. Interviews with Akan Queen Mothers, 1970–2005.
FAQ
Is the Ohemaa the wife of the chief?
No. The Ohemaa is never the wife of the reigning chief. She is his mother, sister, aunt, or another senior woman of the same matrilineal clan. Her authority derives from her position as the senior female of the royal lineage, not from a marital relationship.
Does the Ohemaa have real political power, or is she only ceremonial?
The Ohemaa holds substantial constitutional power. She nominates candidates for the vacant chief's stool, can initiate destoolment proceedings against a chief, presides over her own court for women's affairs, and controls the custody of ancestral stools. Her power is independent and complementary to that of the male chief.
How is an Ohemaa chosen?
When the stool becomes vacant, the senior women of the royal abusua nominate a candidate who is of good character, post-menopausal, and knowledgeable in customary law. The nomination is then confirmed by the paramount chief and the paramount queen mother. The process mirrors the selection of a male chief.
What happened to the Ohemaa during colonial rule?
British colonial authorities refused to recognise the Ohemaa as a political office, reducing her to a ceremonial figure. Many Ohemaa resisted, most famously Yaa Asantewaa of Ejisu, who led the 1900 Asante rebellion. The institution survived and has been revived since Ghana's independence.
Are there still Ohemaa today?
Yes. The institution is active in Ghana and among Akan diaspora communities. Contemporary Ohemaa preside over traditional courts, mediate disputes, and advocate for women's rights. The Asantehemaa remains one of the most influential traditional leaders in Ghana.

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